Johan Roos (internal auditor of the SAPS Crime Intelligence unit) reports to Crime Intelligence head Mulangi Mphego on the rampant fraud and corruption within the police unit (also implicating Major-General Solly Lazarus).

Roos' home is burgled and notes relating to his investigation are stolen, his office is broken into, and he receives a threatening note. Consequently the head of SAPS Crime Intelligence, General Richard Mdluli,

effectively demotes Colonel Roos by transferring him to a non-functioning unit.

it is shown that Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa as well as National Police Commissioner Bheki Cele and other senior police generals had KNOWN for years of the evidence of fraud, corruption and looting of the SAPS Crime Intelligence secret fund –

30 November, 2010 – Mohamed Aden Osman (Western Cape co-ordinator of the Somali Association of South Africa) is arrested by members of the SAPS tactical response team, who were searching two young Somali men in Wilshammer Road, because he wrote down the registration number of their police vehicle.
They tear up his note, blindfold him, throw him in the back of their police Mercedes vehicle, beat, kick him, and taser him, as he lies on the floor of their vehicle, and steal his turban and his refugee identity book.
So he later lays charges of kidnapping, theft, and assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm against the following –

that he had just been accepted to study social work at University of Cape Town – a long-time dream of his – but that he had been unable to complete his studies because of post-traumatic stress. (source: Cape Times).

13 April 2011 – Andries Tatane (33), mathematics teacher, community activist and journalist, is beaten and shot to death by at least seven police officers when "resisting arrest" at a service delivery protest that he had organised in Meqheleng, Ficksburg, on behalf of the Meqheleng Concerned Citizens, an autonomous local community organisation which he had formed.

The police officers responsible are charged with Tatane's murder but they were found not guilty on the grounds that Tatane's murderers 'could not be identified' as they were 'wearing police helmets at the time' (police lies), and the state then specifically chooses not to appeal against the court's ruling (of regional magistrate Hein van Niekerk).

However, a British journalist was easily able to identify his killers from the video footage.

November 2012, the South African Human Rights Commission eventually confirms that the SA police had used "excessive force" and violated many of Tatane’s rights –

including his right to protest, and his right to life.

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(but discernment sometimes appears to be seriously lacking in what is a 'dangerous criminal').

August 16, 2012 – The SAPS shoot 112 miners, killing 34 and wounding at least 78, near the dusty town of Marikana in the North West province when they open fire while trying to disperse a group of protesting miners.

The 270 miners arrested for public disorder, etc., are later released due to lack of evidence.

1 November 2012 – Two police officers attempt to publicly arrest and handcuff Rev. Lloyd Thomas in the Edgemead Shopping Centre on a false charge of 'pointing a firearm', even though two eye-witnesses had the previous day both given sworn statements at the same police station/precinct that the accusation which had been made against him was completely false. Unable to arrest or to handcuff him because of his reaction, the two SAPS officers fall back to the shopping centre entrance and call for back-up. Lloyd walks past them and drives to their police station to query their behaviour.

Lloyd queries this police behaviour at Parow police station, from which the SAPS officers had come, he is locked in a holding cell, but later the case against him (Case: 08/11/2012 SAP 14/13/11/2012) is struck from the roll by the Bellville Court Prosecutor.

lays a complaint with the Human Rights Commission, which replies to him and forwards the complaint to the Public Protector, who replies to him and forwards his complaint to the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID), which completely ignores him until he places his complaint in the local newspaper, following which, eleven police officers are then arrested for corruption.

But Lloyd later discovers that not one of them was prosecuted.
They were all simply "redeployed" to other police stations/precincts.

April 25, 2014 – SAPS presidential VIP security unit destroys evidence (deletes photos belonging to Journalist Nickolaus Bauer of eNCA television channel, as witnessed by senior Sunday Times newspaper photographer Simphiwe Nkwali) which showed a stack of African National Congress (ANC) political party T-shirts in a state traffic police vehicle and a uniformed traffic officer handing out free political ANC T-shirts with two ANC officials at a party political election rally of President Jacob Zuma.

November 3, 2014 – SAPS officers acting under the orders of Police General Mphalatji, and without a warrant, court order, provincial or national instruction, stage what was described as a coup d’etat (Democratic Alliance MP Dianne Kholer-Barnard) at the Mogalakwena Municipality in Limpopo, reportedly attacking security officers, staff and municipal councillors, pointing their firearms at them and ordering them to lie on the floor. SAPS officers eventually order councilors to leave the municipal buildings, and take control of the municipal buildings. They allegedly arrest the municipal manager, and force the council to swear in nine new PR councillors, as the existing councillors were no onger considered loyal to the ANC political party. This meeting had no notice, agenda or democratic mandate and is therefore illegal. The DA provincial leader, Jacques Smalle, is also refused access to the council buildings.

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January 22, 2015 – A journalist Mpho Raborife of the South African Press Association (Sapa) is forced by three police officers, not in uniform, to delete pictures from her cellphone which she took outside a looted Somali-owned shop, as goods were being loaded into a vehicle in front of the SA police. Sapa editor Mark van der Velden said the reporter had identified herself with a press card and while, the police were in a police van, they were in plain clothes and did not identify themselves as required.

January 26, 2015 – In Pretoria, two metro police officers demand a bribe from a woman driver (who had confessed she did not have a driving license) and they point a fire-arm at her three-year-old child threatening to shoot. They confiscate more than R60 in small change from the car's ashtray, but fortunately the driver behind her had seen everything and took the trouble to video it. As a consequence of her action the two officers are arrested.

Flying Squad 26 February 2015 Cape Town, commit the crime of crimen injuria against a young woman:

surprise police strip-search (by officer 'Williams') of Janine M. on Koodoo Street at about 4pm Thursday, groping inside the woman's sanitary pad from her vagina to her anus (without gloves) without any reasonable evidence of any kind of illegal behaviour.
Police 'spokesperson' Traut was unwilling to comment simply because no charge had yet been lodged concerning this police behaviour, thereby implying that in certain circumstances this would be acceptable police behaviour.

February 2016, by the South African Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan:
"I want to publicly state my version of events in relation to a letter I received from the Hawks on Thursday 18 February 2016, informing me that I must answer three pages of questions, keep the letter confidential and not interfere with “state witnesses”, without indicating who such witnesses are. I believe this was meant to intimidate and distract us from the work that we had to do to prepare the 2016 Budget.
...I did not make any public statements on the Hawks letter, deliberately. My intention was to ensure that nothing would jeopardise government’s reaction to the Budget and our efforts to create a better climate for investors.
However, immediately after the Budget was tabled, the Hawks letter and questions were maliciously leaked to the media, together with misinformation about what might or might not have transpired at discussions that followed receipt of the letter,

including the ANC caucus meeting in Parliament yesterday..."

On March 2, 2016, Police Minister Nathi Nhleko states that a list of questions sent to Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan by the Hawks on the existence of a rogue unit that allegedly operated at the South African Revenue Service did not mean that he was being investigated.

Germany delivers three new type 209/1400 submarines to the South African Navy, costing $285 million each, but only one crew is trained to man the submarines:

Stationed in the Simonstown Naval dockyard,
the other two at $570 million are simply used for spare parts in criminal wastage.

12, 2014 – The deliberate killing of cash-in-transit security guard Aaron Vusumuzi Mbhele (40) who had bravely fought off five armed robbers, killing three (See right margin photo of the man).

Although the SANDF claims that he was not in his uniform at the time when they shot him and so it was just 'mistaken identity', both his colleagues in the security company (SBV) and the video clips of the incident filmed by two CCTV cameras (one at a filling station across the road and the other at a nearby bottle store) confirm the eyewitness accounts that he was in uniform at the time and easily identifiable as a security guard.

colleagues also claim to have themselves told the SANDF troops that he "is one of ours' for he was wounded and lying partly under a car.

was shot 37-times by the SANDF troops (apart from those bullets that lodged in his bullet-proof vest) on direct instruction of an SANDF officer who also fired the first four shots into him, and this then allowed the remaining two robbers to escape in a white Opel Corsa with a bag of money in full view of the SANDF troops.

eyewitness of this told the Dispatch newspaper that this army officer was short, stocky, with round dark glasses (who had also been told by the SBV driver that the injured Mbhele was 'their man'), and had walked up to the immobile wounded Mbhele, fired four pistol shots into him, then had to twice order three or four hesitant troops to open fire from the drop knee stance, and finally, the officer concerned then returned to deliver head shots using a semi-automatic rifle, executing the wounded security guard as he lay defenceless on the ground, who, even if they believed him to have been a 'robber', certainly posed no threat to anyone.

The mayor of the town had authorised the SANDF to conduct a training exercise in ‘Urban Warfare’ within the town.

Although the murdered security guard had left for work that morning wearing his bullet proof vest with its insignia, state officials later delivered his body to the Lusikisiki mortuary without his uniform or security guard insignia.

Only the state president may authorise the use of troops within South Africa.

South African National Defence Union (SANDU) issues the statement –

December 2014 – Officer Alfons Mosiuwa Mofula of the 21 Battalion of the SANDF openly defies and crudely derides the senior responsible officer of SAN Parks, in the area where about 100 Rhinos had already been poached for their horns in this year.

the senior SAN Parks officer discovers that the SANDF personnel (paid to protect the park from poachers) and his own game wardens (paid to protect the park from poachers) are sitting watching football on TV, when they should have been out on patrol, and therefore orders them to so do, he is met by a violent tirade of abuse from this SANDF officer Mofula.

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15:00, 23 December 2015 – The 'Blue-light' convoy of Minister David Mahlobo causes a head on crash (Jeep: CW83PPGP, driven by Stanley Mngadi) on the R33 highway into an oncoming vehicle killing Hermanus van Schalkwyk, near Ermelo, in Mpumalanga province.

Then, in complete disregard for the victim, they attend only to their injured colleagues.

The state security minister's convoy had left a filling station 31km earlier at 14:50 (verified by CCTV video),
which indicates that the convoy was travelling at 180kmh in an 80km zone.

In this connection the Democratic Alliance (DA) filed a complaint with the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPIDdle) .

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Saturday 26 December 2015 – In Pretoria, R50 million CASH in foreign currency is stolen from a third-foor safe at the SSA headquarters, Pretoria.

Apparently kept there for operational purposes (bribes, etc.).

Early indications appear to imply an 'inside job', which raises serious questions concerning the integrity of South African secret service agents.

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Adviser Herbert Mkhize to the government Minister of Labour (Mildred Oliphant) accrues costs of more than 1-million rand to the department for his and his wife's personal expenses.
In spite of a 2012 damning forensic report (by chartered accountants AFCA & Partners) on his illicit state expenses, he continues to be employed at a salary of more than R800,000 per annum. (An independent forensic report found that former Executive Director of Nedlac, Herbert Mkhize, and then Chief Financial Officer of Nedlac, Umesh Dulabh, fraudulently and illegally enriched themselves to the value of almost R2 million using Nedlac funds. The Minister has had this report in her possession for more than two years but has taken no action in this regard). DA Ian Ollis says ANC is shielding Minister Oliphant from accountability for corruption scandal.

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January (2nd week) 2014 – editorial staff members in a meeting with the Board Chairperson of the State owned public broadcaster, are warned by her, in the light of the coming national general election in May of this year, to –

Friday, April 25, 2014 – The President of the Republic of South Africa declares the deletion of clause 1.5 in the controlling terms of reference of the Marikana Commission of the enquiry into the police massacre (of 34 protesting miners and wounding of at least 78), which would have allowed the investigation of the role of any government department or agency in the avoidable tragedy.

More than 900 immigrants have filed an urgent court application to force the Department of Home Affairs to do its job.
They claim, in a 48-page document, that the Department has failed to process and determine various applications for permits within a “reasonable or lawful” time period.
As a consequence of this ineptitude persons, such as the Johnson family below, have been torn apart

for no good reason.

Brent Johnson, 41, his wife Louise Egedal Johnson and their 2-year-old son went on a trip to Namibia and when they returned to Cape Town International airport were shocked to find that (Danish-born) Louise had been classified as an ‘undesirable person’ by Home Affairs and she was detained for six hours in a room at Cape Town International Airport on their return from Namibia, even though she had lived in South Africa for eleven years, and had previously applied months earlier for an extension to her Relatives Residence Permit and had a receipt to prove it.
They were eventually informed that she would be deported back to Denmark, forcing Brent to buy both her and their son, Samuel, one way tickets to Copenhagen, Denmark.

couple (Chen), resident in Stutterheim in the Eastern Cape, when returning from a funeral in China are detained (October 4, 2014) at Cape Town International airport. The husband is allowed to return home to Stutterheim, in the Eastern Cape, but his wife (36), a shop-manager in Stutterheim, is imprisoned in a small transit room for 37-days, until eventually ordered by Western Cape High Court to release her subject to Home Affairs conditions, pending a review of her existing entry permit. During her detention she was not allowed visits by her husband, or even to look out of the window (security claims she lied on this issue but their integrity is also not to be assumed).
Home Affairs has also now subjected her release to reporting to them every day, and it is most unlikely that Home Affairs has an office in Stutterheim her home town!
And Home Affairs has also applied for leave to appeal against the High Court decision to release her.

Affairs needed such 'time' to reach a decision on the validity of her permit, would it have been so difficult to find her again when she had a husband, a home, and a business to run, at a known address in the Eastern Cape?
If she had been convicted of murder she would have been treated better than this: had visitation rights; an exercise yard; other prisoners to speak to; and probably a TV in her prison cell! The disrespect is sickening!

.       Home Affairs Minister Malusi Gigaba says his department will not "compromise" on security and international obligations –

Sadly, Minister Gigaba responds to criticism regarding the above by attacking the accuracy or integrity of the critic, rather than dealing directly with the actual issues concerned.
This is the dishonest Ad Hominem response.

problem with Home affairs continues in them refusing to issue an unabridged birth certificate (stating names of both parents) for children born in South Africa of foreign parents, which has very serious implications in both the fields of medical aid cover and of citizenship. The SA Citizenship Act, 1995 (Act No. 88 of 2005) as amended by the South African Citizenship Amendment Act, 2010 (Act No. 17 of 2010) translates, and gives effect to, the Constitution’s provisions. Expanding on citizenship in South Africa it says it is obtained by birth, descent or naturalisation. The department's excuse it that a child follows the citizenship of its (foreign) parents.

A detailed report by South African citizen Paballo Thekiso in the Cape Argus newspaper highlights the arrogantly disrespectful behaviour by South African border officials toward the public which they are meant to serve.

• Thursday 13 November 2014, in the National Assembly, as Speaker/Chair she announces, without consultation with the chief whips of the thirteen parliamentary parties (of 400-seats) as is required in parliamentary procedure, that the time allowed for motions to be presented (the day’s order paper) be reduced (in an effort to protect Zuma from criticism). When the elected opposition members of parliament vehemently object to her autocratic one-sided ruling, she calls in the riot-police to subdue the elected opposition members of parliament because they would not sit down and accept her ruling.

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to be impartial/non-partisan, as she is required to be by law, she nevertheless –
• responds to a Democratic Alliance MP's complaint of an electronic jamming device blocking all cell-phone signals from parliament (which violated the free-speech guaranteed by the SA Constitution) by simply deferring the complaint to the secretary for [later] investigation;
• in planned expectation of a disturbance by elected members of parliament during President Zuma's 'State of the Nation Address' she has armed police in addition to parliamentary security called into the debating chamber to evict the EFF party rather than deal with their legitimate questions, which causes a violent confront in which the nose of one of the evicted MPs is broken (for which he is hospitalised) and another claims he was dragged out by his genitals.

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South Africa is a member of the Assembly of States Parties established by Article 112(1) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

Minister of Justice, John Harold Jeffery, also employed the same dishonest ad hominem argument, by casting doubt on the judicial integrity of the ICC: "The ICC has diverted from its mandate and is influenced by powerful non-member states", as though this excuses his government's dishonest behaviour.

The ICC indicted the Sudanese leader in 2009 for war crimes and crimes against humanity and later for genocide in Darfur.

state party to the ICC's Rome Statue, South Africa had an irrefutable legal obligation to arrest and transfer al-Bashir to the ICC. Troops under al-Bashir’s command in Darfur spent years attacking and destroying villages, chasing survivors into the desert, surrounding their refugee camps, killing almost 500,000 and uprooting millions of civilians from land they occupied for centuries. When applying for a warrant for his arrest, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court said clearly that al-Bashir’s “intent was genocide” and that he wanted to erase the history of an entire people.

touted by South Africa's ambassador to the Netherlands (Bruce Koloane) that delegates to the AU (perhaps more accurately defined as Confederation of Criminals, under chairmanship of Robert Mugabe, the gukurahundi mass-murderer of about 20,000 civilians) meeting in South Africa had the 'same immunity' as delegates to the United Nations (UN) in New York, is misleading for the UN has a standing written agreement to that effect with the United States, which South Africa does not have the equivalent of with the AU. (The ICC is located at the Hague in the Netherlands). On May 28 (two weeks before al-Bashir landed in South Africa) the International Criminal Court formally reminded South Africa, via diplomatic memo to the South African embassy in the Hague, of its obligation to arrest the Sudanese President.

consequence of Omar Al-Bashir's unlawful departure from South Africa with government help via Pretoria's Waterkloof Air-force base in his private plane (flight Sudan01) also in direct violation of the known court order, the Pretoria High Court (Judge President of Gauteng Dunstan Mlambo, with the full bench) has given the South African government 7-days to supply an affidavit explaining why the government chose to violate the court order (their legal counsel is advocate William Mokhari) and to supply the port of exit which Al-Bashir used to avoid the international arrest warrant. But the South African government excuses itself as being bound by the 'host country agreement' (which it freely negotiated in March 2015).

it seems that the Pretoria High Court was completely unaware of such an AU agreement. If this is true, it means that South Africa nevertheless knew it was offering immunity to an accused, who has been wanted under an international arrest warrant of the ICC since 2009, and the government was thereby in voluntary violation of South Africa's membership of that international body, which the South African parliament had also ratified, thereby making it South African law.

• Constitutional Law expert Pierre de Vos publishes on his blog:

that the government's action "constitutes a deliberate, premeditated act of contempt of court".

• The Democratic Alliance political party states, Sunday 21 June 2015:

"...a growing body of evidence points to an elaborate and well-coordinated plot by The Presidency,
in collusion with the security cluster, to facilitate his [al-Bashir's] escape." (emphasis mine)

The argument by some that it was an African Union (AU) issue and not a South African responsibility is simply a dishonest deviation for the AU has no contractual obligation with the ICC such as South Africa has!

– Presbyterian Christian Pastor Michael was arrested in December 2014 for daring to preach about the treatment of Christians in Sudan. Pastor Yen was then arrested the following month, after he had sent a letter to the Religious Affairs Office querying his Christian colleague's arrest. Christians have been under fire in Sudan since 2011

after President Omar Al-Bashir expressed his commitment to institute only the Arabic language and Islamic shariah law.

15, 2016: The Supreme Court of Appeal unanimously rules that the South African government was under obligation to co-operate with the ICC in arresting Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir and that it was unlawful for the government to allow him to leave the country, thereby dismissing the government's appeal against a high court ruling that the government's failure to arrest Al-Bashir was inconsistent with its constitutional duties.

Judge Malcolm Wallis stated that either the government itself or its lawyers had deliberately misled the High Court several times that day by telling it that Al-Bashir was still in the country when it knew he had already left nearly four hours earlier,
Judge Wallis said that the government’s conduct was ‘disgraceful'.

In The Hague, the ICC is still waiting for South Africa to explain why it failed to comply with the ICC’s request to arrest al-Bashir.

20 August 2017: The minister Maite Nkoane-Mashabane grants diplomatic immunity to Grace Mugabe, the wife of the president of Zimbabwe, who had been charged with assault of a young woman, Debbie Engels, at the Capital 20 West hotel in Gauteng, using this tactic to deny justice to the victim who had already been offered a bribe by the Mugabes to drop the assault charge.
Lobby group Afriforum, which is representing Gabriella Engels (mother of the victim), says it will be applying for a review of the decision by the International Relations Department.

Grace Mugabe was enraged by the behaviour of her two sons, and expressed her anger on the environment.

A US citizen present even called the US embassy for assistance.

The report alleges that SA police summoned to the hotel instructed security officers not to touch Grace Mugabe or her bodyguards.

The Sunday Times reports that a pregnant hotel employee shoved by one of Mugabe's sons subsequently miscarried.

25 November, 2015: The SA government votes to OPPOSE a motion in support of Human Rights Defenders concerning a UN declaration to recognise in international law the extreme importance and legitimacy of human-rights activity, and those who carry it out. There are 117 votes in favour (40 abstentions) –

and 14 against, including South Africa, siding with North Korea, Syria, Sudan, China, Russia, and Zimbabwe,

even though the South African Constitution supports the values inherent in this United Nations motion.

• The Southern Africa Litigation Centre's Muluka-Anne Miti-Drummond states that –

"there was nothing in the resolution that South Africa is not already obligated to do, so it doesn't make sense not to sign this".

• The SA government however claims that it voted against it in order to "protect" South Africa's "sovereignty", from placing human-rights defenders above its national law.

2016: Without consulting its Parliament, the South African Cabinet decides to withdraw South Africa from the International Criminal Court, so that it is no longer under legal obligation to arrest those wanted for crimes against humanity who claim diplomatic immunity, arising from its 2015 moral and legal compromise concerning Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir.

"The implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Act, 2002
is in conflict with and inconsistent with the provisions of the Diplomatic Immunities and Privileges Act of 2001,"
said Justice Minister Michael Masutha at a media briefing in Pretoria.

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